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Perspectives
Welcome to Kosovo, the Next Failed State?
Not until the Albanian-run Kosovo
Liberation Army (KLA) came on the scene in 1997 with a guerrilla campaign
against Serbian troops and terrorist attacks on civilians did the Clinton
administration begin to pay attention to Kosovo, inadvertently rewarding
the KLA and its terrorist violence. The KLA deliberately sought to provoke
Serbian reprisals, and Milosevic, with his usual obtuse brutality, readily
obliged
By MARK KRAMER
(Director of Harvard University's Project on Cold War Studies
and a senior fellow of Harvard's Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian
Studies)
Story from The Washington Post
Kosovo's decision to declare independence was a bad
idea. The U.S. decision to recognize it was worse -- and not because
it prompted a crowd of angry Serbs to torch the U.S. Embassy in Belgrade.
Even if the pint-size chunk of the Balkans does not degenerate into
failed statehood like Sudan or Somalia, it almost certainly will remain
in its current perilous condition and become a European bastion of criminality
and human trafficking. Recognizing Kosovo also sends a bizarre message
to separatist movements around the world: If you resort to violence,
the West might support you; if you're peaceful, you haven't got a prayer.
That was certainly the message to Ibrahim Rugova and his Democratic
League of Kosovo.
Rugova, a former professor of literature who used to hand out stones
from his rock collection to visiting dignitaries (the more he liked
you, the better the rock), formed his movement in late 1989 to offer
peaceful resistance to Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic. Milosevic
had rescinded Kosovo's autonomy and clamped down on its majority Albanian
population as part of his murderous plan to carve a "Greater Serbia"
from the ashes of the former Yugoslavia. But for nearly a decade, Rugova
received no support from Western countries, which largely ignored the
region. The Dayton Agreement of 1995, ending the bloody war in Bosnia-Herzegovina,
made no mention of Kosovo.
Not until the Albanian-run Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) came on the
scene in 1997 with a guerrilla campaign against Serbian troops and terrorist
attacks on civilians did the Clinton administration begin to pay attention
to Kosovo, inadvertently rewarding the KLA and its terrorist violence.
The KLA deliberately sought to provoke Serbian reprisals, and Milosevic,
with his usual obtuse brutality, readily obliged.
As the fighting escalated, the United States and other NATO countries
agreed to take military action to halt Milosevic's campaign of ethnic
cleansing. But instead of dispatching ground troops, President Bill
Clinton decided to rely solely on air power. The KLA in effect became
NATO's boots on the ground.
So when Milosevic agreed in June 1999 to withdraw Serbian forces from
Kosovo, the KLA, empowered by NATO's pixie dust, filled the vacuum.
For the next 15 months, the KLA-led government alienated most of the
2.5 million people in Kosovo -- Albanians and Serbs alike -- by engaging
in violence, extortion and other abuses, including by all accounts widespread
drug and gun running.
In October 2000, the situation finally seemed to improve when protesters
across Serbia overthrew Milosevic, and Rugova's party won overwhelmingly
in Kosovo's parliamentary elections, far eclipsing the KLA and paving
the way for Rugova's emergence as president. Rugova sought close ties
with the United States, and for a while U.S. officials provided him
with valuable economic and diplomatic support.
But the KLA refused to disappear and sought to weaken Rugova's position
by provoking violence against the region's Serb minority, roughly 10
percent of the population. The United States, preoccupied with Iraq
and Afghanistan, mostly stood by and allowed the KLA to reemerge through
intimidation and force.
Then in January 2006, Rugova died of lung cancer. And in elections
last November, the KLA regained power, seeming just as intolerant as
ever. The new prime minister, Hashim Thaci, who hid out in the woods
with Albanian guerrillas in the late 1990s, not only was involved in
terrorist acts as a KLA leader but is also known for his ruthlessness.
So why, out of all the groups in the world that are seeking independence
(the Tibetans, the Kurds, the Tamils and others), do the Albanian Kosovars
deserve to be singled out and accorded this prize?
Apparently, in the wake of last year's elections, many Western leaders
feared that violence might erupt in Kosovo unless independence was granted
soon. As such, Washington's recognition of the newly named Kosova once
again gives the impression that the Kosovars are being rewarded solely
because they might otherwise turn violent. Other independence-minded
minorities will realize that if they rely on peaceful tactics, they
will risk being ignored.
The poisonous impact of this whole episode on Serbian politics was
underscored by the embassy attack in Belgrade. Although moderate Serb
politicians, including President Boris Tadic, swiftly condemned the
violence, even they now feel compelled to emphasize nationalist themes.
Those who spearheaded the peaceful overthrow of Milosevic's murderous
regime are now in danger of being accused of facilitating the country's
dismemberment. And resentment over the forced relinquishment of Kosovo
is bound to simmer for many years and stoke regional tension.
Another risk is that Kosova, the poorest region in Europe, will become
a failed state and possibly a terrorist haven. Its economy would have
stopped functioning long ago without life support from the United Nations,
the European Union and the United States. Even if Kosovar officials
were economic wizards, they would have a hard time meeting popular expectations,
which have soared with independence. Moreover, the ethnic divide will
likely intensify. The prospect of further violent clashes between Serbs
and Albanians seems all too real, and Thaci's government may respond
with ethnic cleansing.
Having recognized Kosova's independence with almost no public debate,
Washington and its friends in Western Europe should be on their guard.
Be careful what you wish for.
(Published: 09.03.2008.)
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